As the Eurozone's fiscal rules become more accommodative, complex and
less transparent, it is difficult to avoid the conclusion they appear to
be headed in the wrong direction.
While the most urgent policy
priority in the Eurozone is addressing disinflationary trends, an
equally important objective is the restoration of public finances.
In
one respect, this should be a relatively straightforward undertaking,
since national fiscal positions have long been understood as a "common
concern", and accordingly subject to rules on avoiding excessive
deficits (beyond 3% of GDP) and public debt levels that are too high
(60% of GDP). These reference values were identified in the Maastricht
Treaty, and rules governing them have been adjusted and clarified in the
various revisions to – and European Commission (EC) guidance on –the
Stability and Growth Pact (SGP).
Three Distinct Developments
Over
time, however, three developments have called into question the
credibility of the Eurozone's rules-based approach to ensuring sound
public finances. The rules have been set aside when violated,
interpreted so as to accommodate weaker fiscal positions, and become
more complex and thus less transparent.
Evolution of the SGP is
inevitable, and some changes have not been without merit, but it would
be hard to argue that either fiscal discipline or the institutional
integrity of the Eurozone – dependent in part on such discipline – has
been unambiguously strengthened.
Early SGP rule violators included
France and Germany, where fiscal deficits exceeded 3% of GDP in the
early 2000s. The most troubling aspect of these transgressions was the
decision of the Economic and Financial Affairs Council in late 2003 to
put the SGP Excessive Deficit Procedure in abeyance, prompting a legal
challenge from the EC, which it eventually won.
Even so, a precedent
had been set by the Eurozone's largest member states that the
Commission's enforcement of the rules could be challenged by the
political considerations of the Council, clearly undermining the notion
that the fiscal rules and procedures surrounding them were, in fact,
uniformly binding. It is a sobering reminder that it has been more than a
decade since commentators first raised the question as to whether the
SGP was dead.
Evidence of the accommodation of weaker fiscal
positions is available in present day examples. In the EC's January 2015
guidelines on fiscal flexibility within the SGP, details are provided
on investment and structural reform clauses, which allow national
governments whose plans in these areas meet certain criteria to deviate
from their Medium-Term Budgetary Objectives (MTOs) or the path to their
MTOs.
The guidelines also reduce the required adjustment towards the
MTO if an economy is experiencing "bad times", "very bad times" or
"exceptionally bad times". Coming after open pressure from several
national leaders, the lenience afforded by the new guidelines can
certainly be interpreted as accommodative.
Complexity a Real Challenge
As
for the complexity of the Eurozone's fiscal rules and the consequent
lack of transparency, the most egregious shortcoming is that it is
impossible to assess compliance in real time. By focusing on
(unobservable) structural fiscal balances, analyses are dependent on
estimates of potential output and corresponding output gaps. The IMF and
EC often disagree on countries' output gaps, and they can be subject to
significant revisions. In the EC's model, estimates rely on such
esoteric variables as trend total factor productivity and the
non-accelerating wage rate of unemployment.
EU_gov_fiscal_positions_2015There
are two conclusions to be drawn. First, by measuring fiscal performance
against targets that cannot be observed readily (or even shortly
thereafter), neither financial markets nor the general public can easily
hold policymakers accountable. Second, given the vagaries of the data,
there is a spurious sense of precision in much of the debate between the
EC and national governments on fiscal performance. The margin of error
in any component of a forecast structural fiscal balance – let alone the
sum of such errors – is likely to be as large as a disputed gap between
the EC and national government.
No doubt there will be future crises
and other causes of fiscal stress in the Eurozone that will differ from
those past. What is less clear is that national governments will abide
by one of the aims of the "preventive arm" of the SGP and use
intervening good economic times – assuming they do eventually
materialise – to create fiscal space that would allow active policy
responses within the construct of the rules.
In all likelihood,
governments will again seek exceptions to the rules, escape clauses to
be added to them or flexible interpretations to allow what would
otherwise have been rule violations. A risk, of course, is that a
threshold is eventually crossed beyond which fiscal discipline is
insufficiently credible to support the needs of a common currency area.
It is difficult to avoid the conclusion that Eurozone fiscal rules seem
to be headed in the wrong direction.
(Fitch Ratings/www.balkans.com)